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A month ago, Andy Burnham launched his personal manifesto for the Labour leadership. Alongside the re-nationalisation of the railways, the centrepiece was a rejection of 鈥渢he growing market of free schools and academies鈥�. As illustrates, he remains an advocate of the 好色先生TV Schools for the Future programme 鈥� but such is Labour鈥檚 mess that such important messages have been lost in tragically drawn-out introspection.

Burnham is one of politics鈥� nice guys: someone who laughs away digs that he looks like a Thunderbird because of eyelashes that appear to be permanently buried under a thick layer or two of mascara. Reminded that his wife, Marie-France van Heel, once tweeted that his chief opponent, health secretary Jeremy Hunt, looked 鈥渂loody awful鈥� during a TV interview, Burnham jokes 鈥渢hat鈥檚 nothing鈥� compared to what she says about him.

Tony Blair鈥檚 biographer John Rentoul doesn鈥檛 think Burnham is odd enough to be Labour鈥檚 leader 鈥� that role requires someone with a degree of narcissism.

The shadow health secretary was, of course, a warm favourite to take the party鈥檚 crown when Ed Miliband stood down on 8 May, the day after the nation went to the polls and quite conclusively told the then-Labour leader that they did not want him to be prime minister.

Paddy Power, for example, quoted Burnham at 7/4 in the hours after the resignation; the hard-left鈥檚 Jeremy Corbyn was 100-1 before he formally entered the race in June. By August Paddy Power had paid out on a Corbyn victory 鈥� the result will be in on 12 September.

The Labour leadership should be concentrating, for example, on demanding that schools鈥� capital spending is increased and then protected

Pushed on by an unexpected surge in activist support, Corbyn鈥檚 momentum has seemed unstoppable after only he of the four contenders voted against the government鈥檚 welfare reforms, which include 拢12bn of spending cuts.

Burnham remains in second place and appears genuinely hopeful of pulling off an unlikely revival. Few agree, though, and a Corbyn victory will see MPs argue over the party鈥檚 pull to the left and the numerous plots to replace him that will undoubtedly follow.

Corbyn will probably be safe for two years while all this intrigue is going on. A move to the left should boost Labour鈥檚 chances of doing well in the Scottish elections next year, buying him some time. An immediate coup, suggested by some, is still unlikely given even the strongest Corbyn detractors in Labour鈥檚 parliamentary ranks realise this would look dreadfully undemocratic.

That鈥檚 two years, possibly more, when Labour MPs will be fighting among themselves. That鈥檚 no way to for an opposition to behave, particularly when only barely one-in-three voters put their crosses by the Conservatives in May.

The Tory government 鈥� any government 鈥� must  be held to account by the main opposition. It won鈥檛 be, which means that major problems, including this possible schools crisis, will get missed - the Labour leadership should be concentrating, for example, on demanding that schools鈥� capital spending is increased and then protected (that鈥檚 not to say the view is correct, simply that Labour鈥檚 voters would rightly expect the party to do so).

A Conservative London Assembly member, while laughing at Labour鈥檚 problems, was perplexed by the 鈥渆xistential crisis鈥� that Labour has reduced itself too. Although 232 seats was the party鈥檚 lowest haul since 1987, it is nowhere near as shocking as the Tory result in 1997, when the party was more than halved to a band of just 165.

Labour has indulged itself in self-reflection this summer, when it should have been on the attack. Even in a Corbyn victory, the navel-gazing should stop.

Mark Leftly is The Independent on Sunday鈥檚 political correspondent and is also associate business editor across The Independent titles and the London Evening Standard